Stakes in the blazing government-Jang Group row are steadily rising. Insofar as the rest of the press, and indeed the country as a whole, is concerned, the issue is not whether the Jang Group has evaded any taxes, as the government alleges, or even the validity of the government action per se against the Jang Group. The issue now is where will this tussle end and what will that portend for the press and the quality of the political system we have.

One has no brief for the Jang Group nor does one say that they are innocent of all wrongdoing. It is only for properly constituted authorities and tribunals to determine anyone's culpability. Until that happens, Mir Shakilur Rahman and the rest of the group are to be treated as innocent. On the other hand, the government has to be faulted for a lot of things: the offices of the group in several cities are surrounded by security and taxation people; its godowns are sealed and newsprint was not being allowed to be delivered for its papers; intimidation is obviously intended and this extends to journalists working in the paper; the special treatment being meted out to Jang Group papers is unique in Pakistan's history and can only be called with malice afore-thought; no amount of tax evasion _ that could only have been possible with the collusion of the officials or even the government _ can justify extraordinary action by a government that is calculated to prevent the publication of certain newspapers.

If Mir Shakilur Rehman has evaded taxes or sold the newsprint in the black market, let him be proceeded  against in the way law intends: either as a person or as the head of a company. In which case, no extraordinary treatment, without leniency or extra harshness, is justified. But newspapers are to be left alone. Few can ignore the fact that the chief executive of the group began complaining for many months regarding the government pressure for sacking a given number of journalists and apprised the APNS and CPNE of it. Although Mushahid Hussain Syed, the minister for information, denied it, few were or are convinced that this is not a part of the government design. As a matter of principle, in the government-press relations, the benefit of doubt cannot be given to the government.

The overall design of the government action against the group goes well beyond mere intimidation. The government seems determined to harm and hurt not so much Mir Shakilur Rahman as the newspapers he controls. One is forced to regard the government actions so far as being motivated by mala fide intentions _ not against any person as such but the newspapers. The relevant issue today is whether the newspapers of the group can continue to be printed and published. The government seems determined to keep the squeeze on the group indefinitely with a view to crushing the newspapers _ and probably the group itself.

What happens if Jang, The News and the others are beaten into oblivion? Two consequences are clear; the press as a whole shall be a much weaker institution. Secondly, this PML government will become ever more of a colossus towering over the whole society without being seen as a benevolent force for the press in the particular and for human freedoms in general. Here one must refer to history. Governments in Pakistan have rarely liked a free press. For some obscure reason they have all wanted to be omnipotent; few were content to be primus interpapers. For them autonomy to civil society's institutions has always seemed hard to stomach, and in this one includes all governments, including those that defined themselves as constitutional and democratic.

Needless to mention that this government has an unenviable record of intolerance of autonomous institutions. What it is doing to opposition parties, mainly PPP and MQM, does not accord with democratic precedent. Its accountability process is heavily partisan. What is has done vis-a-vis superior judiciary is only too well-known. During the last one year the PM himself has often complained against journalists and yellow journalism. The latter term in the mouth of a Pakistani government has a certain connotation that is different from anything that anyone outside might mean. In short, it is a common view today that if the Jang Group, the largest hitherto, goes under, the way will be clear to browbeat other newspapers and groups. This government is nothing if not ruthless in the pursuit of power over all others.

This is going to be fatal to democracy. Democracy is not simply elections at certain intervals. There is such a thing as pluralism and multiplicity of autonomous institutions. Democracy is also the other name for tolerance of contrary or critical views. Hitler and many Fascist dictators came to power through elections or staged elections, mostly rigged though not always, to stay indefinitely in power. Unless there is tolerance of all views _ the essence of a free press _ and multiplicity of truly autonomous institutions there is no democracy. Which is why democrats want to keep even democratic government bound hand and foot in rules and precedents and with many check and balances. 

The government ought to know that victory over the Jang Group is not altogether too difficult to achieve if they can continue to ignore all sane advice, domestic or foreign, and utilise all their resources ruthlessly. But have they not heard about Pyrrhic victory or tempting fate.

(The News 7.2.1999)

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