The general handpicked by Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto as his army chief, sixth down the line, the servile Ziaul Haq, took over the country in the early hours of July 5, 1977. Without one shot being fired, Bhutto and his cronies were taken into custody.

Six months earlier, Brigadier Tafazzul Siddiqui had been appointed the army's ears and mouth, as Director of Inter Services Public Relations. Through his network he had learnt how Bhutto had oppressed the people, dealt with the judiciary, with the press, and with everything that stood between him and his dictatorial designs. He prevailed upon Zia to order that Bhutto's misdeeds be documented in the hope that it may deter the bringing to power again of a man such as he.

Zia agreed and I.H. Burney, Editor of good weekly publication Outlook (closed down by Bhutto), was selected to do the job. He undertook the onerous task of sifting through the records and achieves, which Bhutto had not had the time to burn, without charging for his time and effort, and produced several volumes of "white papers" which were distributed to the Press and are available in the various press libraries and in the libraries of those who follow the history of this country.

In Bhutto's days, Jang and owner/editor Mir Khalilur Rahman were the good boys of the Urdu Press which in this country was and is the section of the press which really matters. The bad boys were Nawa-i-Waqt and owner/editor Majid Nizami. Today, the roles have been reversed. But, with the passage of time Nawa-i-Waqt will suffer, as will we all.

Bhutto had the knack of seeking out and surrounding himself with evil men, some of whom still survive and now raise their heads as champions of democracy and human rights. Certain excerpts from the "white papers," highly relevant to what is now happening a quarter of a century later, will show why perhaps the Press has failed us as so little has changed.

"We have been taken for a long ride by Nawa-i-Waqt.....This newspaper has done our government the greatest damage and yet it gets the maximum advertisements from the Government, both provincial and federal, the Board of Industrial Management, banks and the whole lot. What is the logic behind this brutal discrimination? What explanation can we offer to daily Jang and other important dailies who cooperate with us and are denied the same privileges? If we can deal with Jasarat, Outlook and some others, why is it not possible to deal with Nawa-i-Waqt? Who is protecting this arsenal of the Opposition? (February 3, 1976, Bhutto to Information Minister Hanif Khan).

"Bhutto tightens the screws: More than three dozen publications have been banned since early 1972, at least ten editors have been jailed and many others penalised for criticism of the government. Last month the administration silenced S.R Ghauri, Pakistan's most prominent columnist and political commentator.

"Ghauri had written: 'Let us admit that basically we are going through an excruciating spiritual crisis. While an economically depressed country is burning at both ends, spiritually and morally, the political scene is simply chaotic. There is a great need to understand that you cannot hide the truth under a bush. People deliberately kept in the dark nevertheless have their own grapevines [and now the Internet] so, media or no media one day they will know; and when they know, without being supposed to know, you have a power-keg'." (Far Eastern Economic Review March 19, 1976)

"Stop all government advertising being given to the Paper with immediate effect. Start an enquiry into the income tax returns of the Editor Mr Majid Nizami. Ask the government of the Punjab to make an enquiry into the property acquired by the editor/publisher." (Information Minister to the Prime Minister, April 26, 1976. The PM approved the action the same day and directed that it should be implemented 'fully and strictly'.)
"I have already exhausted my resources of gentlemanly approach to persuade Mr Majid Nizami to see reason in national interest. After the stoppage of all government and semi-government advertisements to Nawa-i-Waqt for which this newspaper pilloried the government and the Information Ministry, I have stopped the newsprint supply to the Nawa-i-Waqt from government stocks. Firm advice has also been given to the advertising agencies not to be liberal in issuing private sector advertisements to Mr Majid Nizami's newspapers...... I have also requested the Minister for Finance, Rana Mohammad Hanif, to instruct the concerned officials to expedite the action in respect of the Income Tax liabilities of the Nawa-i-Waqt Group and the Nizami Family." (Information Minister Hanif Khan to Prime Minister July 2, 1976. Bhutto remarked on this note that it was most necessary to expedite action regarding Income Tax liabilities.)

Wily Zia, powerful and backed by his guns and tanks, was not unduly worried about the Press. He deftly toyed with the press lords. He allowed all to make money. Come 1985 and Mohammad Khan Junejo, his handpicked prime minister, and the press was freed to a large extent and has remained free. Concurrent with the freedom, many press lords have acquired extensive properties and assets and have famously prospered. The various governments that have come and gone have allowed most of them to sell in the market newsprint given to them at concessional rates. The larger the fudged government audit bureau's circulation figures, the greater the profit. Nelson's eye was allowed to scrutinize their tax returns.

One other way in which perhaps the press has failed us. It has never protested with sufficient vehemence, or with solidarity, so as to prevail upon any ruler not to make a false or damaging move, not to undermine the morale of the country, not to decrease the meagre democracy accorded to us. Most importantly, it failed utterly to prevent the enfeebling of the judiciary. What opposition was there from our press to the appointment of Rafiq Ahmad Tarar as President of the republic when they were fully aware of his 1977 Quetta shuffle? How bothered are they about those who instigated the raiding of the Supreme Court in November 1997 and those physically present at the raid who remain unpunished?

Now, the Jang Group, in deep trouble, is appealing to the same judiciary for protection. The Supreme Court order that 200 reels of newsprint be released to the Group was simply flouted by the government. What suo moto action did the court take against those who consider its orders only fit for the WPB?

Nawaz Sharif has good reason to feel that he is all-powerful. He has rendered the presidency, the judiciary and the armed forces ineffective and passive. The press, he now feels, he can eat up for breakfast. For starters, he has unleashed his government's coercive forces against the Jang, Lady Maleeha Lodhi, and others.

Jang has built itself into a huge business conglomerate and now the owner, Shakilur Rehman, son of Khalilur Rehman, and his seven entities, i.e. Independent Newspapers Corporation (Pvt) Ltd, and Jang Enterprises Ltd, have filed a petition in the Supreme Court seeking redress redress on 15 counts, interalia, protection against victimization, withholding of government advertisements, prevention of raids on the Jang Offices, the quashment of all mala fide tax notices, the confiscation of newsprint. Despite the reality, one must hope that they are given relief.

It is high time the members of the press forget their differences. Jang has been singled out and is being victimized. If this continues, the Press of Pakistan must unite and lodge a silent but strong protest by organizing themselves and seeing to it that not one single publication is published on one chosen day.

(Originally published in Dawn was also carried by The Nation 7.2.1999 )

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